It
is not an easy task to provide a definition of urban space because such a
definition must consider the social parameters of its constituent parts: urban
and space. The difficulty of defining urban space is enhanced if one considers
that urban space is an artifact of urbanization, which is a social process that
describes the manner in which cities grow and societies become more complex. A synergistic perspective of space situates
the location of ‘‘urban’’ as an outcome of social and institutional forces associated with urbanization.
SYNERGISTIC PERSPECTIVE
Urbanization
is fueled by population growth and institutional expansion where people must
come together in large enough numbers that they are situated in a space that
makes them noticeably different from less populated human groupings. In
addition, the social diversity of the people situated in the same space
promotes a form of social interaction characterized by formal role
relationships rather than intimate or informal (e.g., familial) role
relationships. That is, as a population increases its numbers within the same
space it becomes necessary for the maintenance of social order that diversity
within the population be characterized by formal role relationships
(Gesellschaft) rather than informal role relations (Gemeinschaft). One might
say that a distinction emerges between highly populated space (urban) and less
populated space (rural).
The
aggregation of people within the same space serves as a social force that
brings together persons with diverse lifestyles and work ethics. In most cases
people migrated to the same space because of shared interests or shared
expectations regarding lifestyles and work ethics. Interestingly, social
contact between persons in the population sharing the same space enhances the
social diversity of the population by increasing familiarity with different
lifestyles and work ethics. In turn, the diversity of lifestyles and work
ethics necessitates the development of institutional structures for their
expression; for example, churches for
religious expression and a labor market for demonstrating a work ethic.
A
large and growing population, coupled with an institutional structure designed
to promote centralization and social efficiency, created a context for defining
urban space. Large urban centers or urban spaces can be identified in the
history of societies in the world system. According to some estimates, the city
of Babylon had almost a million
residents at the height of its social development. Similarly, Rome had almost half a million
residents at its peak, while London
had about a million residents by the early 1800s. All three cities or urban
spaces were characterized by a large population of residents and the operation
of institutional structures for promoting social efficiency in a diverse
population (e.g., collection of taxes,
distribution of raw materials, and the production of work).
INSTITUTIONAL PERSPECTIVE
It
centralized social life in an efficient manner resulted in an outcome that one
finds today. As the number of persons sharing the same space intensified, so
did the diversification of lifestyles and work ethics. In particular, the
centralization of social life resulted in the hierarchical arrangement of
persons based on lifestyle and work ethic. That is, class differences became
visible and served to partition urban space. The partition of urban space made
it possible to observe how persons sharing the same space associated with each
other along class lines.
For example, in early nineteenth
century Parisian society the
aristocracy and growing bourgeoisie moved to the margins of the city to escape
the increasing numbers of the ‘‘popular classes’’ in Paris. The access to capital and valued resources enjoyed by the
upper and middle classes allowed them to situate themselves on the margin of
urban space. In a sense, access to capital or valued resources served as a
social force to extend the boundaries of urban space into rural space. As a
result, what is often referred to as a suburb – space adjacent to or on the
periphery of urban space – took rudimentary expression as the ability of
persons with capital to differentiate themselves by class from persons subject
to the homogenizing effects of the ‘‘popular class’’ on persons sharing the
same urban space.
One
finds in American society a similar
phenomenon in the twenty first century. The increasing perception that urban
space is pregnant with social problems such as crime, homelessness, and poverty
has resulted in persons and families fleeing to space located on the periphery
or within traveling distance of urban space. During the 1970s and early 1980s
in the US, moving from urban space to the suburb was often characterized as
‘‘white flight’’ because it was a movement that was mostly driven by white
persons and families. These were white persons and families that had
accumulated equity in their homes located in urban space that permitted them to
sell their homes and buy new larger homes in the suburbs. Ironically, in some
cases the number of persons and families moving from urban space to the suburbs
was so drastic that suburbs became mirror images of the urban space persons and
families were fleeing. The suburbs have become so much like urban space that
persons and families are moving into rural areas, resulting in ‘‘suburbs of the
suburbs,’’ or what population experts refer to as exurbs.
In
the suburbs the fight is over how to allocate public space to parks and
recreation areas versus businesses and commercial interests. For example, many of the suburbs’
residents commute to work in urban centers. In order to develop a system of
services that meet the needs of growing suburbs, city councils in the suburbs
have courted businesses, especially manufacturers, to relocate to the suburbs
in order to generate sales tax revenue and jobs, thus keeping residents in the
suburbs and improving their quality of life by providing jobs that do not
require commuting. The push for attracting businesses, however, comes at a cost
to residents. Public space that has been designated for recreational use is
used as a carrot by city councils to attract businesses. As a result, public
space in the suburb is a contest between resources used by people versus
economic benefits for businesses.
Thus,
a city is a collection of people and institutional structures that promote the
efficient interaction between persons and place. Urban space has often
increased in population to the point that it serves as a synergistic force for
the social construction of the suburb. Ironically, suburbs have decided that
the only means for their survival is to mirror urban areas – formal social relationships and complex institutional arrangements. In
turn, the suburb has served as a synergistic force to create its own alter ego,
the exurb. As a result, the rapid growth of suburban populations makes it
difficult to exclude the suburb from consideration as urban space because it is
a product and catalyst for the social construction of urban space.
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